Rater Zonaki

The Election Commission of Bangladesh announced on November 2 that general elections would be held on December 18. Yet many people remain sceptical. Others question the credibility of the election and the possibility of qualitative change in the political, civil and judicial leadership.

Why are Bangladeshis afraid prior to a general election? It is not that the country is facing the heat of the global financial crisis. There is something more worrisome than economic breakdown.

First, the current military-controlled government’s takeover of the country was not constitutional. Second, the government has exercised authority randomly, undermining various institutions for which the nation will have to suffer for decades. People believe that if the next government fails to address these issues on a priority basis, there will be even more problems.

The government has repeatedly held off elections while keeping the state of emergency alive, wanting to continue it until power is handed over to an elected government. The current government, immediately after coming to power, pledged there would be a “level playing field” for all. This, however, has not been the case.

Political parties like the Bangladesh Nationalist Party say that the field is far from level. The political parties do their best to put pressure on the government, but under the state of emergency with all fundamental rights suspended, how can the people freely choose their representatives in an election?

Military intelligence agents have handpicked candidates to contest the elections. Their candidates will ensure that no charges are brought against the current leaders of the military-controlled regime.

At the same time, policymakers of the current government, including the armed forces, are pressuring and negotiating with political groups not to hold the current government liable and accountable for their misdeeds, if they are voted into power.

Another concern is the Chief Election Commissioner’s recently announced guidelines for the media. These guidelines restrict publishing or broadcasting “unofficial results” of the election until the Commission announces its results. The Election Commission’s explanation is that unofficial results create confusion.

Instead of addressing issues that would make the vote-counting system more legitimate and transparent in the presence of representatives of the contestants, the Election Commission has instead sought to impose restrictions on the media.

During the country’s previous four general elections, the media never faced such restrictions. By immediately publishing the “unofficial” results, the media narrowed the space for vested interest groups to manipulate the election results. Besides, in many countries, publishing unofficial results serves as a check of the official results.

Restrictions on the media also raise serious questions as to the possibility of a coup during the election. There are a number of reasons to suspect such a coup may be planned.

First, since the state of emergency was imposed in January last year, the armed forces have taken over almost all institutions in the country. They are even preparing the country's voter lists for the elections.

Second, a retired brigadier general has been appointed as the election commissioner; he is nothing more than a representative of the military.

Third, the armed forces are defined as the "force for maintaining law and order” under the emergency laws imposed by the current government. The armed forces will remain deployed across the country as a “strike force” during the elections, with the state of emergency still in effect.

Fourth, the armed forces are interfering with the activities of the judiciary at all levels. It has been alleged that they even dictate the verdicts to judges in cases of alleged corruption, telling them who to convict or acquit. Army officers have been found selecting cases and the Supreme Court dictating which bench should hear cases concerning constitutional matters.

Fifth, officers of the armed forces have been appointed to high-ranking civil positions, which include diplomatic services such as ambassadors and high commissioners, autonomous bodies and sports organizations. They are also found occupying positions in organizations that look into corruption issues, under the name of a "task force.”
Sixth, the Election Commission recently apologized in public for its role in creating factions within political parties and inviting their preferred groups to a “dialogue” in an effort to manipulate the parties.

The government is demanding immunity from political groups in exchange for power, sending a strong message to the people that Bangladesh is going to experience a “selection” of its next leadership, in the name of an "election."

An unconstitutional government, which has violated all norms, standards and laws of the land in its exercise of power, can hardly be trusted to hold a free and fair election.
The Bangladeshi people have full reason to fear that after the general election on December 18, not much will change in the current political landscape.