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Cecilia Ng
[Ed. Note: This article was shared at a conference in
October 2000 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia-Development and Liberation
in the Third Millennium-that was organised by the urban rural
mission and development and service desks of the Christian
Conference of Asia (CCA). The footnotes, however, have been
removed. Please contact AHRC if you would like the references for
this article.]
Introduction
When I was asked to speak about globalisa-tion and women, a
major question came to my mind: Is globalisation weakening or
strengthening patriarchy? In other words, are women, as a result
of globalisation, gaining more rights; or because they are now
more visible in their claim for gender and social equality, have
the forces of conservatism (in the name of tradition, religion
and even love) reacted, making their struggle an uphill one?
However, before I begin, I would like to preface my sharing with
the following three points. First, I do not believe that the
globalising process is integrating us into homogeneous entities
in the spheres of economy, culture, technology and governance as
some would like us to believe; some call this process an
euphemism for ultraimperialism. Indeed, this very globalising
process has led to fragmentation and the emergence of divergent
views and identity politics, for certainly globalisation is not
universal. At the recent global knowledge conference held in
Kuala Lumpur, two of the main themes of the conference were the
indigenisation of knowledge and sovereignty-a counter discourse
to that of globalisation. The forces of economic globalisation
might have to contend with other forms of social and cultural
resistance, thus making its spread a much more complex process.
As Diana Wong puts it aptly, 'The challenge of globality today
may not lie in the attainment of convergence but in the
recognition and acceptance of difference.'
Secondly, it is important for us to note that women are not a
homogeneous category; and while united as a gender, they are also
divided by class, ethnicity, religion, age, ideology and sexual
preferences. We should keep these differences in mind when we
talk about 'globalisation and women' as, indeed, one woman's gain
might be another woman's loss as in the case of female migrant
domestic helpers.
The third point I would like us to bear in mind is that the
discourse on the 'woman question' involves both men and women,
that is, the social and power relations between men and
women-gender relations-in all aspects of life, from the family to
the economic and political spheres.
But to come back to the original question: Has globalisation
chiselled away sexist structures, processes and attitudes? What
have been or will be the opportunities for women's empowerment,
and what are the threats to her continued oppression? I would
like to argue that there have certainly been gains in terms of
recognising women's rights as human rights. These gains have been
made both as a result of and in spite of globalisation through
centuries of struggle. Within the last three decades, these
struggles have gained momentum due to the international women's
movement and through the various world conferences on women,
starting from 1975 to the Beijing + 5 meeting in New York in
2000. Indeed, these global meetings have attempted to put forth a
global governance on women's position and rights and in this way
have served to pressure national governments to adapt their
stances. As a result, women's groups at the national level,
including those in Malaysia, have used these global forums to
also pressure from below. As Eric Hobsbawm has pointed out,
'Women's assertion of active agency is a significant expression
of democratic upsurge in developing countries and shall remain
one of the largest contributions for the 20th century.'
The 1995 Beijing Platform of Action acknowledged the following
gains of the women's movement:
- Women's rights are recognised as human rights;
- Violence against women are legitimate issues which violate
women's dignity;
- Women's housework is recognised as having value and is worthy
of separate accounting.
Despite these gains, it is also clear that as we move into the
21st century -the century of the so-called borderless world-the
development model which is being promoted globally is producing
increasing inequality and environmental degradation (see various
Human Development Reports from 1996 to 1999 produced by the
United Nations Development Programme [UNDP]). The richest 20
percent of the world command 85 percent of the world's income
while the poorest 40 percent own only 1.4 percent of that same
income. When measuring the gender-related development index
(GDI), the 1997 UNDP report discloses quite unabashedly that 'no
society treats its women as well as its men.'
What then are some of the global statistics for women? Out of
the 1.3 billion poor people in the world, 70 percent are women,
the majority of whom are illiterate with no access to basic
amenities like safe drinking water. Two-thirds of the 130 million
children worldwide who are not in school are girls. Between 75
percent and 80 percent of the world's 27 million refugees are
women and children. Women hold 10.5 percent of the seats in the
world's parliaments. The majority of women earn an average of
about three-fourths of the pay of males for the same work. In
most countries, women work about twice the unpaid time that men
do. One in every four households in the world is now headed by a
woman. Worldwide 20 percent to 50 percent of women experience
some degree of domestic violence during marriage. The primary
victims of today's armed conflicts are civilian women and
children, not soldiers, with rape becoming more evident as a
weapon of war.
Let me elaborate on several of these issues in relation to
opportunities and threats for women in this era of globalisation.
I would like to highlight five main concerns: the feminisation of
employment, migration and the family, violence against women, the
commoditisation of women and privatisation.
Issue 1: The Feminisation of Employment
In order to respond to increasing and intense global
competition, corporations are creating various strategies to meet
the challenges of their own survival. One of the major strategies
deals with labour and takes three main forms: labour flexibility,
the casualisation of labour and the feminisation of labour.
Concretely, dual labour processes are occurring. One leads to a
fragmentation of the labour process resulting in low-skilled and
repetitive work whereby there is a shift and/or combination of
regular work with various forms of non-regular, flexible
employment, e.g., part-time, temporary, subcontracted and
home-based workers. The other process is the upgrading of
workers' skills in multitask jobs using information communication
technology (ICT), resulting in an increasing demand for
multiskilled workers with hardware and/or software as well as
business skills. The majority of the workers in the first
category are women while those in the second are men, although
more and more women are now being employed in ICT-led sectors.
The export boom in Southeast and East Asia in the last quarter
of the 20th century was fuelled by the contribution of women in
export-related activities and through the remittances made by
migrant women workers. In Malaysia, we know that electrical and
electronic products comprise about 60 percent of the total
manufactured exports of the country with the industry generating
about one-third of manufacturing employment in Malaysia. Many of
us forget though that the majority of those employed,
particularly at the operator level, are Malay women. As noted
above, this trend towards the feminisation of paid employment in
Asian countries was driven by the need of employers, usually
transnational corporations (TNCs), for cheaper and more flexible
sources of labour. Global capitalism makes use of the existing
patriarchal ideology whereby women are perceived to be more
subservient to (male) managerial authority, less prone to
organise or be organised into unions, more willing to accept
poorer working conditions and easier to dismiss using such
life-cycle criteria as marriage and childbirth.
However, such a process is also double-edged. On the one hand,
the globalisation of trade and the economy has definitely opened
up economic and income opportunities for women, resulting in her
improved status in the household and an increase in her position
in society as well as her self-esteem. It has opened up choices
for women in both the manufacturing and services sectors; and for
those in the higher-valued industries, it has also meant an
increase in her skills. My research with Maznah Mohamed and Tan
Beng Hui on women electronics workers in two TNCs found that they
are confident, have a great sense of pride in their company and a
positive perception of themselves as part of the company in which
they work. With the expansion of ICT, information processing work
can now be globally distributed, leading to new modes of working,
such as telework, teletrade and e-commerce. Women as offshore
data entry workers, software programmers and systems analysts are
finding novel employment opportunities in this digital age. In my
own study of software companies in Malaysia, 30 percent of the
software personnel were women.
However, on the other hand, we know that the majority of the
women workers labour under inferior working conditions and often
on shifts with serious implications for their social and physical
health. Those in the lower end, labour-intensive consumer
electronics industries suffer from health problems that include
extreme fatigue and general health problems due to chemical
hazards and job stress.
The current economic crisis has more serious implications for
women than for men, not least because more women than men are
hired in the export-led industries being affected and more women
than men are in the unskilled and low-skilled jobs, but also
because women are also strongly affected by the loss of their
incomes within the household. The retrenchment data for the
Malaysian electronics sector reveals that 26 percent of the
employees in this sector were retrenched during the 17-month
period from January 1998 to May 1999. The majority were local
workers with women comprising 65 percent of those retrenched.
Most of the retrenchment came from foreign-owned companies with
their workers forming 75 percent of the total retrenched.
According to Jayati Ghosh, there is a real possibility that the
long march towards equality for women in the region, particularly
for poor women, may be halted or even reversed by the current
economic turmoil.
This is because poor women all over Asia are at the bottom of
a vertical sub-contracting process which squeezes profits at each
level. These women, located in urban slums, in small towns,
estates, rural villages as well as migrant workers, will be the
most exploited as they are often low-skilled, possess less formal
education, are unorganised and, hence, are more vulnerable. They
will not enjoy the opportunities offered to their sisters who
have a command of information technology. In such a situation,
those who fall by the wayside are the older production workers,
both men and women. Genera-tional gaps will occur within and
across genders in terms of the new and dynamic forms of
knowledge-based employment.
Issue 2: Migration - Breakdown of the Extended Family
and Kinship Network
Like globalisation, migration is not a new phenomenon. Terms
like berjelai and merantau in Malaysia indicate that the notion
of 'movement' is part of the local vocabulary. However, rural
households were previously held together by kinship structures
and reciprocal labour networks (berderau, gotong royong,
bekerjasama) which ensured the cohesion of the community,
including female-headed families. However, as a result of the
Green Revolution, these socio-economic networks today have been
replaced by cash and commodity relations, endangering these
structures so crucial for social cohesion. In rural areas, with
the commercialisation of agriculture and the migration of
husbands and daughters to the cities, poverty now has a female
face. In indigenous communities, the taking away of their
customary land to make way for the construction of dams and
commercial crops has led to a denigration of the status of
indigenous women who once owned land and in which the planting of
'padi' (padi pun or spirit) was related to their high status in
the community.
At the global level, more than 120 million migrants have left
their home countries in search of greener pastures abroad,
leading to a warning by the United Nations of the 'human crisis
of our age.' In Asia, migration for economic reasons has denuded
poor families, leaving children to fare for themselves with
either their father or mother away in a foreign land. The
problems faced by female migrant workers are concerns with which
we need to grapple in a systematic manner.
The migration of males has been a major factor leading to an
increasing proportion of female-maintained households, the
majority of which live in extreme poverty. Thirty percent to 35
percent of all rural households in India, for example, are
female-headed households compared to 25 percent in Cambodia, 21.4
percent in Mongolia and 15.7 percent in Korea. In Malaysia, there
are 600,000 female-headed households.
The breakdown of the extended family is more clearly seen in
the urban sector. Today the nuclear family is more and more the
norm, especially in the cities, where the burden is heavier for
working couples who have to deal with stress both at work and in
the family. Stress at work is compounded by calls for efficiency,
productivity and the achievement of quotas while, at the familial
level, there are daily struggles to catch up with the increasing
cost of living, particularly as various public services are
privatised. With women finding employment and a newfound freedom,
they are asking for traditional gender relations to change.
Without proper communication and with patriarchal ideology slow
to change, tensions within families increase, leading to a
breakdown of the family. Divorce rates are increasing, especially
in the cities, and society often blames women for marriage
breakdowns as they have become more aggressive in 'demanding
their own space.' Will there now be a backlash for women who have
struggled so long for their rights?
Issue 3: Better Laws, Increased Awareness, Increasing
Violence against Women: A Crisis in Masculinity?
There is no doubt that there has been an increased awareness
that violence against women is a crime. In fact, this awareness,
coupled with reforms in the relevant laws, has been one of the
successes of the women's movement at the global and national
level. Yet why is it that violence against women in many
countries is not decreasing despite numerous campaigns by women's
groups? As noted earlier, 20 percent to 50 percent of women
worldwide suffer some domestic violence during marriage. Let us
look at other statistics.
(1) The total number of reported rape cases in Malaysia
increased from 879 in 1993 to 1,323 in 1997-an increase of 50
percent. The rape of teen-age girls rose form 604 cases in 1995
to 719 in 1996. Police statistics disclose that 67 percent of
rapes in 1996 were victims below 16 years of age; 85 per cent of
these rapes were committed by boyfriends, family members and
neighbours.
(2) The reported cases of female domestic violence increased
from 466 in 1992 to 5,799 in 1997, a 1,000 percent increase. This
number actually shot from 2,291 reported cases in 1996 to 5,799
in 1997 perhaps because of increased awareness created by the
implementation of the Domestic Violence Act.
(3) Domestic abuse of women, both physical and mental, is on
the rise with Bangladesh reporting an increasing trend in
suicides among women.
(4) Increased cases of dowry-related deaths and the harassment
of young brides are reported in India, Nepal and Bangladesh.
(5) Prostitution, forced prostitution and trafficking in women
and children with associated violence and harassment have become
a major concern in the region.
(6) Widespread sexual violence against women in areas of armed
conflict and civil unrest are reported in Laos, Cambodia and the
Philippines.
(7) Women migrant workers are increasingly becoming victims of
sexual violence.
How do we explain the above phenomenon? In Malaysia, despite
the wide publicity given to the sexual harassment code, our own
male parliamentarians made unwanted sexual innuendoes towards our
female members of Parliament (MPs). Moreover, it is well known
that when both the amendments to the laws on rape and the
Domestic Violence Act were proposed there were loud guffaws from
male MPs.
Feminist accounts in the West since the 1970s have suggested
that gender violence increases when men feel they are losing
ground as a sex. It is also not very clear to what extent the
economic crisis has led to an increase of violence against women.
Indeed, today 30 percent, or 2.5 billion members of the work
force, are unemployed or underemployed. Many of these are men
whose socio-cultural and symbolic role as the breadwinner in the
family (in fact, this is increasingly untrue, but society still
treats female labour as secondary) is increasingly being
threatened. In Malaysia, 55 percent of those retrenched during
the recent crisis were men. The ability of men to 'take care of
the family' is thus being chipped away, leading, I believe, to a
crisis in masculinity.
From another angle, very often the transformation of unequal
gender relations touches very intimate cultural and emotional
knots in our personal lives, which are the hardest to acknowledge
and change. For men, who are themselves exploited as workers, it
means giving up years of macho masculinity and learning to say
that one is sorry after beating up your wife for years. How do
you treat your wife as an equal when you have always been the
master of the house? For women, 'sleeping with the enemy' makes
it all the more difficult to challenge such violent
relationships. If globalisation is a project of modernity leading
to changing female roles, patriarchal attitudes are certainly
still in the premodern, if not primordial, stage. The notion of
equal partnership as articulated through relations, processes and
structures have yet to take root.
Issue 4: The Commoditisation of Women and Sexuality
The market has also affected culture, which is increasingly
being commercialised and commoditised. The rise of individualism
(to be different, to compete with others by having more) and
consumerism actually accompany globalisation and the need for
TNCs to sell their products to accumulate a greater surplus for
themselves. Firms and individuals follow this trend in their
pursuit of materialism and the creation of status symbols. In the
same vein, sexuality and women's bodies are being commoditised as
never before, from pornography, sex tourism and sex trafficking
to advertisements and beauty schemes which feed on our emotional
insecurities and little vanities.
Economic globalisation in the form of 'market democracy' has
also created the image of the New Asian Women. She is the
professional woman, entrepreneur, manageress, executive who is
articulate, glamorous and assertive. This image is in every
women's magazine that is avidly read by the middle class and
aspiring working-class women who do not have the means to buy
designer clothes and skin-whitening products. This icon of the
fashionable and glamorous energy-filled woman is sharply
contrasted with the veiled Muslim woman.
Issue 5: Privatisation and the Rolling Back of the
State
Last, but not least, let us comment briefly on privatisation,
a strong arm of globalisation, and its implications for women.
Under the guise of free market restructuring, the privatisation
of public services has led not only to its reduced availability
but often to higher prices for such services as well as basic
necessities. Because women are still expected to be responsible
for child care and family maintenance, they will bear the
disproportionate weight of these constraints. Women as homemakers
have to balance the extra costs due to increasing charges for
public utilities, education and health care as a result of cuts
in public subsidies. Not only will their double burden be
intensified, there will also be mounting pressure to assume
multiple roles both as paid and unpaid labour, e.g., taking care
of the elderly, the retrenched, taking on extra work in the
informal sector. Those adversely affected will be poor women who
will have decreased or no access to such amenities or will have
to struggle more to gain access to these services for their
family.
Conclusion
What conclusions can be made? I would like to mention four
main observations.
There have been increased economic opportunities for women but
also mounting threats. In the present global reshaping of labour,
studies have shown that, as a company adopts labour
casualisation, the higher is the number of women employed and the
greater is their vulnerability to exploitative conditions. Labour
flexibility has also led to job insecurities for men, resulting
in the erosion of their masculinity. To what extent, however, has
this led to increased gender violence and strengthened
patriarchy?
While the developmentalist and corporatist state, because of
its links with capital, has been unable to qualitatively improve
working conditions for women, global and local pressures have led
it to make concessions to women, particularly in the passing of
laws to improve and/or protect the position of women. In a sense,
these laws have not really threatened the economic and political
base of the State and of those in power and are thus tolerated.
Today, however, the issue of women, at least at the level of
rhetoric, can no longer be discounted.
Nonetheless, these laws, while helpful, have not genuinely
transformed unequal gender relations nor have they led to more
democratic processes and structures in society. Women do not want
market democracy but genuine democracy. The call of the Women's
Agenda for Change in 1999 for more accountability and democracy
will not be accepted by the State
It is thus important for the women's movement to link up with
other social movements and for the wider democratic social and
political movement to seriously incorporate women's concerns.
However, we must be able to present alternatives to the present
trends of commoditisation, individualism and materialism as well
as the forces of conservatism if we, indeed, want to engage with
globalisation on equal terms and in the context of our own
interests.
(Source: DAGA Info, No. 114 [Nov. 21, 2000])
Posted on 2001-08-06
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