(Ed. note: This is an edited report that documents the results of an investigation of the current situation of prisoners of conscience as of 3 July 1997 through various sources, such as student associations, labour unions, media reports, the courts, detention centres and the families of prisoners.) 

I. Analysis 

Arecord breaking 413 people were detained on politically motivated and/or security-related grounds in the month of June alone, averaging 13.7 arrests per day. One of the reasons contributing to such a large number of arrests was the mass detention of students in connection with a student assembly scheduled between 30 May and 1 July by Hanchongryon.^[1] In the 12 days between 27 May and 7 June, 208 students were detained, making up half of the total number of detentions for the month of June. All of the students were indicted. 

In the midst of student confrontations with security forces, Hanchongryon was labelled as an “enemy-benefiting” organization; and in the ensuing atmosphere, a large number of detentions were carried out using the National Security Law (hereafter, referred to as “the NSL”). In the month of June, 136 people were detained under the NSL, largely in connection with alleged “enemy-benefiting” organi-zations. There were seven “enemy-benefiting” organization cases in June alone. Most of these people were involved with labour or social organizations after having graduated from university, or they were serving their mandatory military service. 

The background leading to the large number of detentions can be traced to the defection of a north Korean senior official, Hwang Jang-yop, on 20 April 1997. On 24 April, the Security Division of the National Prosecutor’s Office announced its plans to form the Joint Headquarters for the Investigation of Leftist Forces by enlarging the Joint Headquarters for the Investigation of Hanchongryon Leftist Forces^[2] to include the Ministry of Labour, the Ministry of Culture and Sports and the Ministry of Public Information. The reason given was to “investigate spies and leftist forces that have infiltrated various sectors of society with the defection of Hwang Jang-yop.” 

In looking at past instances in which socio-political factors resulted in large numbers of detentions under the NSL, we can find many examples, such as in 1994 with allegations by President Park Hong of Sokang University of the spread of juche ideology^[3] among students that led to the detention of 40 to 60 people every month between June and October. In addition, in November 1995 with the capture of a north Korean spy, allegedly named Kim Dong-shik, 60 people were detained under the NSL; and in October 1996, 80 people were detained under the NSL upon the north Korean submarine incident. With the defection of Hwang Jang-yop and the crackdowns against students by security forces, 136 people were detained under the NSL in June 1997, an unprecedented number since the inauguration of the so-called “civilian” government under President Kim Young-sam.

II. Current Statistics 

As of 3 July 1997, there were 903 prisoners of conscience held in prisons, detention centres, police departments and other detention facilities. Of these, 659 were students, 38 were labourers, 31 were soldiers or riot policemen, 58 were long-term prisoners (those having sentences of more than seven years) and 117 were opposition figures and others. Of the 903 prisoners of conscience, 49.4 percent, that is, 446 prisoners of conscience, were held under charges of violating the NSL.

Of the 903 current prisoners of conscience, 744 prisoners of conscience were detained between January and July of 1997, that is, 744 people were arrested in the first 184 days of this year, averaging almost four arrests per day. Of them, 604 were students, making up 81.1 percent of the total number of detentions this year. More than half of them - 55 percent - were arrested in a period of one month beginning in late May and continuing throughout the month of June. In addition, 293 people were arrested under the NSL, making up 39.3 percent of the total of 744 people detained this year. A large number of NSL charges involved the possession of anti-state materials and the formation of and/or membership in “enemy-benefiting” organizations and a violation of rights to freedom of expression, association and opinion. 

III. Anti-State Material Cases and the Violation of Freedom of Expression and Opinion 

“Anti-state” materials continued to be a problem for government authorities. Bookstores were searched for anti-state materials, and students were arrested for possession of anti-state materials after being illegally searched, such as on 21 February when students of Dongkuk University were arrested by the police for possession of anti-state materials after being illegally searched in front of the school. The police had carried out random inspections at all entrances to the university in order to block a student assembly scheduled for that day. 

On 15 April, the Security Division of the National Police Administration arrested three people in connection with anti-state materials. Each of them were owners of small bookstores in front of universities. The bookstores carried books in the humanities and social sciences. The police searched and seized various books from the bookstores. The sudden crackdown on these bookstores involved the sale of pamphlets published by the International Socialists^[4] - part of an attempt by the police to clamp down on “enemy-benefiting” organizations. However, the police rescinded the detention of two of them, and one was released on a suspended sentence.^[5]

On 23 February, the Seoul Police Administration arrested Kim Eun-hee, president of the Duksung Women’s University Student Association, on charges of violating the NSL for posting a New Year greetings message from north Korean university students on a campus bulletin board. According to the police, a warrant was issued for her arrest for copying the contents of a letter sent by students from Pyongyang, north Korea, and posting them on a bulletin board between 29 January and 9 February. The letter contained the following statement: “Let us lead the reunification of Korea by further strengthening our student organizations this year.” In addition, Kim Min-jong and Moon Ji-yeon, also students of Duksung University, were arrested on the same charge. Kim Min-jong^[6] allegedly received the letter by e-mail on 29 January, and Moon Ji-yeon^[7] allegedly held the bulletin board while Kim Eun-hee taped the notice to the board on 30 January. Thereafter, students from other universities were also arrested under the NSL on charges of producing and distributing anti-state materials for posting similar notices.^[8] 

IV. ‘Enemy-Benefiting’ Organization Cases and the Violation of Freedom of Association 

With the formation of the Joint Headquarters for the Investigation of Leftist Forces, the National Prosecutor’s Office began its crackdown by labelling Hanchongryon as an “enemy-benefiting” organization. In a statement made on 10 June, the prosecution announced that “student representative bodies of universities belonging to Hanchongryon will be induced to voluntarily withdraw from the federation by the end of July. Any university student representative bodies or organizations remaining within Hanchongryon will be construed as supporting its pro-north Korean, ‘enemy-benefiting’ activities, and all leaders and members of such organizations and student bodies will thereby be criminally prosecuted under charges of forming and being members of an ‘enemy-benefiting’ organization.” 

Moreover, on 21 June, a security-related ministries meeting was held with Prime Minister Koh Kun, the minister of internal affairs, the minister of justice and the minister of public information where it was decided that 140 central leaders of Hanchongryon would be placed on the wanted list and taken into custody by the end of July. Budgetary increases, the formation of investigative task forces for each of the students on the wanted list, financial rewards for any leads in the cases and special incentives for police officers were some measures implemented by the government. 
In such an atmosphere, the number of arrests in connection with “enemy-benefiting” organizations increased sharply. Of the

293 people detained under the NSL in 1997, 182 people or 62 percent were detained under charges of violating Article 7 Clause 3 of the NSL regarding the formation of and membership in “enemy-benefiting” organizations. 

Two of the primary characteristics of cases involving “enemy-benefiting” organizations this year were, firstly, the arrest of soldiers and non-students who had terminated their student movement activities. They were charged under Article 7 Clause 3 of the NSL for membership in organizations which had disbanded three or four years ago. Secondly, members of open organizations were charged under Article 7 Clause 3. Membership, for instance, in such organizations as Labour Politics Solidarity, Nojinchu (Committee for a Worker-Centred Progressive Party) and the Northern District Workers Association were publicized through newspapers and computer networks, and their activities had been held publicly. 

The application of the NSL on organizations clearly violates the right to freedom of association. Under the pretext of national security, organizations and individuals supporting opinions and ideas critical of the government and/or to the disadvantage of the ruling powers were suppressed by abusing the vague stipulations of the NSL. Not only is it unclear what is meant by “enemy,” but it is also extremely dubious what powers such organizations are supposed to be “benefiting.” The application of the NSL on organizations violates not only the right to freedom of association but also the rights to freedom of expression through membership and freedom of opinion by supporting positions held by different organizations. The violation of the right to freedom of opinion is clearly demonstrated by the consistent suppression of organizations under allegations of holding communist or socialist principles. The following are some examples of “enemy-benefiting” organization cases under Article 7 Clause 3 of the NSL. 

(A) The Case of Saminchong (Youth Federation for Social Democracy) 

On 18 March, the National Police Administration arrested 14 members of Saminchong on charges of violating the NSL for allegedly carrying out ideological studies with union workers in order to establish socialism and a federal approach to reunification. In addition, on 10 April, six other members who held activities for the release of the previously arrested members were also arrested. 

According to those arrested and their families, “Saminchong has recruited members through public means and has held political study groups to think about the political and economic problems facing our society today. The organization has strived for democratic activities with hiking groups, movie groups and other recreational groups, and Saminchong has done nothing to deserve oppression. However, the police have arrested innocent people. Such behaviour goes against common sense and against the principles of a democratic society.” 

(B) The Case of Chunhakryon (National Student Solidarity) 

On 25 February, the Seoul Police Administration arrested 10 leaders of Chunhakryon on charges of violating the NSL. 

According to the police, they had spread communism in the universities by creating and distributing anti-state materials after the formation of Chunhakryon, a student organization, in September 1992 for the purpose of establishing a socialist state through worker-student solidarity. The police also claimed that the students had held violent demonstrations in support of the position held by north Korea. 

In response to police statements, Chunhakryon replied that they had never supported a class revolution or a workers party and that the organization was a public organization formed by a coalition of students. They also claimed that the alleged anti-state materials had been produced six years earlier and had no connection with the detained students. 

(C) The Case of Seoul National University Student Solidarity 

On 24 April, the National Police Administration Security Division arrested 13 students of Seoul National University on charges of violating the NSL for holding ideological studies to establish a communist party. The police announced that three of the arrested had been serving in the military, claiming that they had infiltrated the military for their activities. 

The members of Student Solidarity responded by stating that “Student Solidarity has never worked for the establishment of a communist party and has been actively working to construct a communal society of free individuals, overcoming the problems facing Hanchongryon. The police have exaggerated and fabricated the case, arresting individuals who have terminated their student activities after having begun their mandatory military service or after having graduated three years ago.” 

(D) The Case of the National Student Political Alliance 

On 4 April, the Seoul Police Administration Security Division arrested 11 students^[9] of the National Student Political Alliance on charges of violating the NSL for carrying out anti-state activities by forming the organization for the purpose of establishing a socialist state. 

According to the police, the students had produced and distributed anti-state materials since October 1992, working to establish a socialist workers party. 

Thirteen people, including four in the military, had previously been arrested in connection with the organization on 16 May 1996 with four more arrests on 15 November 1996. The trials concluded with the court deciding that the organization was an “enemy-benefiting” organization. However, all of the defendants were released with suspended sentences. 

(E) The Case of the Pusan Area Shining View 

On 5 March, the Pusan Police Administration arrested two students on charges of violating the NSL for joining an “enemy-benefiting” organization. According to the police, they had joined an underground study group called Shining View and had led underground study sessions. However, the organization is reported to have been disbanded in March 1995 - less than two years after its formation in September 1993.

(F) The Case of 21st Century Prometheus at Sangji University 

On 9 April, the Kangwon Police Administration Security Division arrested three students on charges of violating the NSL for having “deep connections with anti-government demonstrations as members of an ideological group called 21st Century Prometheus, which has already been labelled as an enemy-benefiting socialist sector of Hanchongryon by the police.” 

However, the students stated that the police had fabricated the case and that the name 21st Century Prometheus had been created temporarily as a logo during student body elections. When the police were unable to find any evidence in connection with 21st Century Prometheus, the students were charged with activities connected to the student association at Sangji University, including publications produced during student elections and student study groups. Later the three students were released on bail. 

(G) The Case of Nojinchu (Committee for a Worker-Centred Progressive Party) 

On 10 April, the Pusan Police Administration arrested five people on charges of violating the NSL for working to form a workers progressive party. The police announced that they had been arrested for attempting to re-establish Nojinchu by producing and distributing illegal materials after the organization had been dispersed by the mass arrest of its members last year. 

However, according to those arrested and their families, the five people had only been involved with raising funds for the legal fees and other expenses involved with the release of those members arrested last year. With the exception of two of the arrested, those arrested had no connection with Nojinchu and had only been actively working to release the friends and family members who had been arrested in connection with Nojinchu last year. 

Unlike the statements released by the police regarding their attempts to re-establish the organization, they were charged with past student activities or for aiding and abetting the arrested members of Nojinchu.^[10] 

(H) The Case of Labour Politics Solidarity 

On 20 May, the National Police Administration Security Division arrested members of Labour Politics Solidarity on charges of violating the NSL for calling for the establishment of a workers party by the working class and for holding ideological studies with workers. On 5 June, four more officers of the organization were arrested by the Inchon District Police Administration under similar charges. 

According to the police, Labour Politics Solidarity had ratified a charter in March 1993 for the purpose of establishing a “worker’s people government” and had created a central body and five regional organizations, producing and distributing 100,000 copies of its newsletter during a worker’s assembly sponsored by the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU).^[11]

According to those arrested and their families, the organization is an open and public organization with a newsletter entitled Labour and Politics in which anyone is allowed to write. 

(I) The Case of Chongnyon (Youth) at Korea University 

On 20 June, the Seoul Police Administration Security Division and the Military Security Headquarters arrested 25 people^[12] on charges of violating the NSL for forming a pro-north Korean “enemy-benefiting” organization called People’s Korea University - National Vanguard, Youth based on the juche ideology. The charges also included producing and distributing anti-state materials, such as Chongnyon’s newsletter Way of the Youth. 

In the announcement about the case, the police added that approximately 10 members of the organization had infiltrated factories and the military under false identities for the purpose of reaching the working class in order to make a revolutionary change in south Korean society. 

However, those working for their release announced that “Chongnyon was formed in the fall of 1995 at which time the full list of members and officers were made public along with the charter. However, the police have inserted clauses into the charter which we have never even heard of, claiming it as evidence for the charges under the NSL. Moreover, all of our publications and publicity activities, including our newsletter Way of the Youth, have been distributed and held openly and publicly, disclosing the names of all our members. Our activities at factories have been carried out publicly as well, recruiting members through open bulletin board notices for the purpose of educating students about the lives of workers. Those having entered the military have gone to serve their mandatory military service, and it is absolutely absurd to claim that they have infiltrated the military for anti-state purposes when they have gone to fulfil their duties as patriotic citizens of this country.” 

Although Chongnyon is a student organization formed several years ago, many of those arrested are people who have since graduated and are no longer students. Moreover, as claimed by Chongnyon, they had notified the authorities of their public activities through the proper legal channels, holding a peaceful assembly every Saturday in front of the Midopa Department Store. The bulletin board notices and student handbooks containing Chongnyon’s charter, which Chongnyon had produced during their activities, do not contain any of the contents claimed by the police. Although the police claimed that members of Chongnyon had used secret code numbers with their pagers, the numbers that the police claimed to be codes are generally used by many people using pagers in south Korea. Such facts strongly support the position of the members of Chongnyon, raising serious doubts about the allegations made by the police. 

(J) The Case of the Autonomy Reform Group at Chunbook University 

In the first week of July, 18 former students of Chunbook University were arrested, and 10 people were placed on the wanted list by the North Cholla Province Police Administration on charges of violating the NSL for forming an underground organization called the Chunbook University Reform Group for the purpose of establishing a socialist state under the juche ideology. Among the arrested were people serving their mandatory military service, and they were taken into custody by the Military Security Headquarters. The police announced that those arrested had formed the organization in October 1995, infiltrating and secretly leading the student movement with members who had been trained in juche ideology. 

In a press conference, the task force for the release of those arrested stated that “on 21 October 1995, the date that the police claim to be the date of the formation of the organization, a student election campaign event was held with the attendance of some 400 students where various student candidates spoke about their platforms. No ‘Reform Group’ was ever formed. At the time, those arrested were campaigning on a platform of a non-violent, human-centred movement, against a violent revolution, and had held peaceful assemblies and demonstrations through legal channels since 1992. They had called for reforms in Hanchongryon to move away from violent demonstrations.” 

The majority of those arrested were officers of the student association in 1995 and 1996 with eight of them currently serving their mandatory military service. Because of the similarities with cases of the Independence Group from 1995 to 1996, there is serious concern that the police are attempting to fabricate yet another case. 

(K) The Case of Korea Labour Youth Solidarity 

On 28 June, the Seoul Police Administration Security Division arrested nine members of Korea Labour Youth Solidarity on charges of violating the NSL for attempting to instigate a national uprising and for calling for a communist revolution. 

The organization, which was formed in February 1996, allegedly educated workers by forming “consciousness-raising” schools after ratifying a charter which stated as its purpose “the construction of a new society in which workers become owners.” 

However, according to those arrested and their families, “The organization held its second annual general assembly this year in February, deleting the former charter completely and making the purpose of the organization clearer with a revised charter which called for `the realization of a truly democratic society, development in progressive politics, an increase in workers’ rights to include political, economic and social rights and a proper reunification of the people.' However, the police are attempting to label the organization as ‘enemy-benefiting’ by using parts of a charter which has already been discarded and by connecting the organization to other workers’ organizations which have already disbanded.” 

The members of the organization claim that Korea Labour Youth Solidarity has held various public activities, such as fund-raising campaigns for starving north Korean children, activities to prevent workers’ industrial accidents and cultural performances. 

(L) The Case of the Northern District Workers Association 

On 9 May, the Seoul Police Administration Security Division arrested five members of the Northern District Workers Association on charges of violating the NSL. They had allegedly formed the organization “for the purpose of constructing an underground working class party, operating educational classes for workers.” They had allegedly carried out “enemy-benefiting” activities, such as study groups, “for the purpose of establishing a worker-centred socialist state through the struggles of the working class.” 

However, according to those arrested and their families, “The organization has never made the charter which the police have announced, and we only have rules which members of the group should follow. Such rules are no different from principles which other organizations have, and our activities were carried out to improve the rights of workers. The educational classes for workers were held out of the necessity for workers to have a communal support network and to have some kind of social educational program for their own development. The classes were held publicly through the recruitment of members in newspaper advertisements.” 

V. Human Rights Violations during Arrest 

In addition to the large number of detentions, human rights violations continued to be routine during the arrest of students and during the suppression of demonstrations. Students were illegally arrested on campus without warrants while innocent civilians were subjected to police beatings while watching student protests. Moreover, students who had been injured during protests were detained without adequate medical treatment. Students were also arrested by the police during class and while taking examinations on campus without proper notification of their rights and the charges against them, and police officers in civilian clothes were stationed on campus to keep student activities under surveillance without due process of law. Some specific cases of recent human rights violations are provided below. 

(A) Illegal Arrest of Student during Class 

On 9June, Park Jung-ae^[13] was arrested by two detectives from the Soonchun Police Department at the Soonchun Technical University Student Affairs Office. The student had been in class listening to a lecture when a teacher’s assistant told her to go to the Student Affairs Office. After getting permission from the professor, she went to the office where she was immediately arrested by the police. However, the officers did not present a warrant for her arrest nor did they tell her of her rights. It was later revealed that she was arrested in connection with the Hanchongryon assembly. 

(B) Illegal Arrest of Student during Examination 

On 24 June, Oh Dae-hung^[14] was arrested while taking his final examination at a professor’s research office on campus. He had been taking the examination with another student, Park Su-ki, when they heard the sound of a door breaking in the next room. When they looked out the hall, they saw eight men looking through the next room. They began to run out of fear, but Oh was chased and arrested by officers from the Dongbu Police Department. During the commotion, students of the College of Education rushed to the entrance of the building where they stopped two automobiles which the officers had arrived. However, one automobile with Oh was able to get away while the other automobile was left behind. It was later discovered that the automobile belonged to one of the detectives of the Dongbu Police Department. Oh was charged the next day for the instigation of and participation in student protests. 

(C) Police Stationed on University Campus 

On 18 June at approximately 11:00 p.m., Kim Sun-il^[15] received an unknown cellular telephone number on his pager while at the law school student office. He was arrested at a telephone booth near the student office when he went to make a return call. He was gagged by three detectives from the Sudaemoon Police Department, being physically abused during the arrest with his glasses broken in the process. It was later discovered that he had been arrested on charges of violating the Assembly and Demonstration Law for allegedly instigating a student assembly on 29 March in connection with a memorial ceremony for the death of a student^[16] of Yonsei University. 

In another case on 26 June at approximately 7:30 p.m., Won Dae-il^[17] was forcibly arrested by eight officers of the Buchon Central Police Department. The officers had been watching the student office and arrested Won when he went to the rest room after finishing a student meeting. He was arrested in connection with the Hanchongryon assembly in the spring. 

(D) Arrests by Detectives Dressed as Mountain Hikers 

On 13 June at approximately 4:30 a.m., Park Kyu-do^[18] was illegally arrested on campus by detectives from the Pusan Police Administration Security Division. About 30 officers in athletic shoes and hiking attire with backpacks entered the student union building. The officers went to the fourth floor of the building where the student association office is located and began harassing seven students, including the secretary-general of the student association, threatening to kill them if they came out of the room. Six of the detectives dressed as hikers carried Park Kyu-do, who had been protesting, out of the student building into an automobile and left the school. The officers had not presented an arrest warrant, a warrant for search and seizure nor notified the student of his rights. 

A student who had witnessed the incident testified as follows: “Suddenly three robust men opened the door [to the student office] and came in, yelling, ‘Put your heads down on the table.’ Then they asked, ‘What are your names?’ When I asked them who they were, they beat me saying, ‘You son of a bitch, shut up!’ At that moment, I thought they were gang members because they were so rough.” 

(E) Illegal Arrest with an Armed Weapon 

On 16 June at approximately 1:10 a.m., Kwon Oh-song^[19] was forcibly arrested by about 10 detectives from the Kyoungbuk Police Administration Security Division near a supermarket behind a Youngnam University dormitory. At the time of his arrest, Kwon was surrounded by seven detectives. When a student who had been with Kwon tried to escape, he was threatened by the police with a 38mm handgun and taken to the police station. Neither of them were presented with arrest warrants nor were they told of their rights. The latter student was released without charge, and Kwon was taken into custody and charged for his student activities. 

(F) Illegal Arrest and Detention of a Wife Visiting Her Detained Husband 

On 5 July at approximately 4:00 p.m., Choi Myoung-son went to visit her husband^[20] at the National Police Administration Hongjaedong Security Division with her 7-month-old daughter, her mother and father and sister-in-law. Immediately upon entering the visitation area, an officer who claimed to be in charge of her husband’s case asked her to follow him to another room because he “had something to say.” She left her daughter with her sister-in-law and followed the man out of the visiting room. At approximately 5:00 p.m. after the family had finished visiting Jung, they asked the officer, “Why aren’t you returning our daughter?” The officer replied, “We were trying to let her off easy because she has a baby, but Jung is not being cooperative, and we decided to arrest his wife under charges of violating the NSL.” Choi was illegally detained for five hours at the Hongjaedong Security Division and was released at approximately 9:00 p.m. 

(G) The Case of Park Sang-tae 

On 24 March at approximately midnight, about 20 students of the South Chunchong Province area were in a confrontation with the police while demanding a stop to the violent police suppression of assemblies and demonstrations and the use of lethal weapons. In the confrontation, Park Sang-tae^[21] was arrested after being shot by officer Im Yang-soo of the Shinan Police Station. 

Although Park had been shot through the thigh, his family was not allowed to visit him. All visitations, in fact, were prohibited, and only on 16 April was his injury discovered through a letter he wrote to a friend in which he said, “I was shot, and I have a hole from my buttocks to my thigh. When sterilized water is poured on the wound, the water comes out through the other end of the hole.” 

The fact that the police took Park into custody and detained him for a week at the Cheonan Police Department without allowing any visitors raises serious concerns as to whether the police were attempting to cover up the incident in which an unarmed student was shot in violation of the regulations concerning the use of firearms. Complaints have been filed with the Daejon District Prosecutor’s Office on charges of the illegal use of firearms and misconduct. Park was released on 23 May. 

VI. Plan of Action: What You Can Do 

To assist the students of south Korea who are facing these violations of their human rights, please take the following actions: 

• Send letters, statements, appeals, faxes, etc., to the south Korean government and the south Korean embassy or consulate in your country and urge others to do so as well, protesting against the human rights violations outlined above and calling for the release of prisoners of conscience in south Korea;
• Urge government officials, orga-nizations, the media and other figures to take up these issues; 
• Write statements, press releases and commentaries to publicize the issue in the national and local press in your area; 
• Send pictures and materials of your activities to us for publicity in Korea. 

Send appeals to: 
President Kim Young-sam
The Blue House, 1 Sejong-no, Chongno-gu, Seoul 110-050, Korea.
Fax: (82) 2-770-0253

Minister Ahn Woo-man
Ministry of Justice, 1 Chungang-dong, Kwachon-myon, Shihung-gun, Kyonggi Province 427-010, Korea
Fax: (82) 2-504-3337

Mr. Hwang Yong-ha
Chief, National Police Administration
209 Mi Kun-dong, Sudaemoon-gu
Chongno-gu, Seoul, Korea
Fax: (82) 2-720-2686 

1 The Korea Federation of University Student Councils is a national federation of students, representing the student bodies of almost 200 universities in south Korea. Every year in late spring Hanchongryon holds a large-scale festival on a university campus for the inauguration of the newly elected president of Hanchongryon. As it is not intended as a demonstration, the assembly of students has never been prohibited by the government in the past. 

2 This organization was formed in August 1996 after large-scale confrontations took place between Hanchongryon and the security forces in connection with the Pan-National Reunification Rally scheduled to be held by Hanchongryon that month. 

3 The ruling ideology of north Korea, allegedly created by former north Korean leader Kim Il-sung. 

4 There is not much known about this organization, but it is not a student organization, and it does not operate publicly. It is also not related with the International Socialists Organization (ISO).

5 The difference in sentencing was due to alleged connections with ISO. 

6 Secretary-General of Duksung Women’s University Student Association

7 President of the Natural Sciences Department Student Association of Duksung Women’s University 

8 Hyun Jae-soon, vice president of the Kwangwoon University Student Association, and Yoo Hae-jong, president of the Sukmyoung Women’s University Student Association, were arrested on similar charges. 

9 One of them was charged without being detained.

10 For instance, one of the five people arrested was charged for having lent her computer to her friends who had been working for the release of Nojinchu members. 

11 During large-scale protests earlier this year in connection with the country’s labour laws, the National Police Administration announced in January that they had begun an investigation into a publication for its anti-state contents entitled Labour and Politics that was found during a worker’s assembly. 

12 One of them was charged without being detained. 

13 Soonchun Technical University Student Association vice president of publicity 

14 Chunnam University College of Education Student Association president

15 Yonsei University School of Law president

16 No Soo-suk, a Yonsei University student, died of heart failure during a student protest in March 1996 allegedly as a result of excessive police force

17 Buchon Technical University Student Association president

18 Dong-a University Student Association vice president

19 Youngnam University Student Association officer

20 Jung Hyoung-gon, a member of Workers Solidarity for a True World, was detained under charges of violating the NSL

21 A Dankuk University second-year student